Polonya Hukuk Kliniği Vakfı Başkanı. Prof. Jose Garcia Anon. İspanya Valensiya Adalet Bölümü Demokratik Reformlar ve Kamu. Hürriyetleri Genel Müdürü. Culture Associations/Kurdistan Workers’ Party (Devrimci Demokratik Kültür anon where he had also established contacts with Palestinian. situation of the Kurds in a drastically changing Middle East .  Mehmet Bayrak, Kürtler ve Ulusal-Demokratik Mücadeleleri, Özge.
|Published (Last):||17 December 2010|
|PDF File Size:||18.75 Mb|
|ePub File Size:||5.26 Mb|
|Price:||Free* [*Free Regsitration Required]|
The sharp turn the author makes from a decolonizing queer perspective to an anti-Rojava narrative renders the intention of the piece ambiguous.
The other has been one of critique and scepticism, especially towards the western liberal discourse surrounding TQILA. If you have any queries about republishing please contact us. The constant concern with addressing an international audience and acknowledging its representations as the absolute truth lead to serious flaws. View the discussion thread. Every authoritarian tendency should be closely monitored. A hastily put together decolonial argument can become the most useful tool for the very colonial mechanisms it intends to criticize.
New firearms regulations and police use of lethal force in Demoktatik.
A clear step backwards: Instead of subverting the colonial form of ajon that is criticized in the piece, the author redirects the colonial gaze towards the Kurds.
When this discourse surrounding the Kurds is evaluated starting with the stereotypes attributed to them, and then their results, the need for a layered understanding of aonn becomes visible. The author enumerates a list of accusations towards the PYDthe Democratic Union Party, without critically engaging with or elaborating any of these serious claims.
Our paradise or their theatre? This similarity lends unintentional support to the colonial domination of the Kurds and tends to reproduce the status quo. Concisely, Kurdish aon was divided into four parts and Kurdish people were distributed among Iran, Iraq, Syria, and Turkey as a consequence of the Treaty of Lausanne in by imperial powers.
Eventually, the piece itself becomes, quite unfortunately, a stereotypical anti-Rojava treatise hidden in an otherwise well argued decolonial queer text.
Does that mean that the Femokratik is beyond criticism? Mehmet Kurt, series editor. His doctoral research focuses on the intersection of ethnic, gender, and sexual identities, with particular focus on Kurdish LGBTIs.
Lebih demokratik berbanding perjanjian lain
And then, in this closing contribution, there are ‘the intersecting modalities of power. The situation of the Kurds in a drastically changing Middle East has received little attention in academia and less in the media despite their growing impact on regional and international politics.
This also reinforces the stereotype historically attributed to the Kurds, in four parts of Kurdistan: Redirecting the colonial gaze Hakan Sandal 23 September DemocraciaAbierta Global platform for Latin American voices. Please check individual images for licensing details.
Redirecting the colonial gaze | openDemocracy
Syria Conflict Democracy and government Equality International politics. We should indeed take these claims seriously, but the absence of critical engagement provides a tool for surrounding authoritarian powers that oppose organized Kurdish existence. Sections openDemocracy Free thinking for the world. The stories of Iranian Kurds and the conditions they live in are the least known, not only by the international community but also by naon living in three neighbouring countries, due to an intense isolation.
They were subjected to various atrocities, varying from cultural assimilation, to epistemic violence, to massacres, in each of these countries. We publish high-quality investigative reporting and analysis; we train and mentor journalists and wider civil society; we publish in Russian, Arabic, Spanish and Portuguese and English. The Making of Kurdish IdentityI.
The biggest stateless people living in the Middle East are on the verge of a new status, not only in Iraqi Kurdistan, where a referendum for independence takes place on September 25,but also in Syria and Turkey. We encourage anyone to comment, please consult the oD demokrxtik guidelines if you have any questions.
However, instead of perceiving anti-oppression struggles as monoliths, it is more productive and accurate to read demokratio distinct struggles against various oppressive mechanisms and dispersed powers. Armas de fuego y uso de la fuerza letal en Argentina. Keeping these ideas at the core of my argument, in this piece, I want to suggest that Ghazzawi however unintentionally reproduces the colonial gaze on Kurds and the organized Kurdish struggle.
It is located in northern Syria. Nor does the anti-ISIS war by the west reduce the Syrian Kurds or the PYD to operating merely in a colonial theatre, without their own historical agency or alternative objectives.
These stereotypes historically legitimized the rule over the Kurds.
PressTV-Turkish police disperse pro-Kurdish protesters
In addition, Ziya Gorani says: Transformation Where love meets social justice. The political unfairness, in addition, distorts the power of demokratil decolonial argument and transforms it into a condemnatory iteration, cementing the epistemic violence against the Kurds.
Ghazzawi gives ten links in two very short paragraphs, accusing the PYD without including even a single statement demo,ratik by the PYD or a single bit of counter-evidence against these accusations. On the contrary, the channel of critique should be kept open, but with a careful and nuanced consideration of the historicity of different struggles.
This interest has become manifest in two distinct versions.